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英国社会学代写essay指导:Migration can be the making of a man

时间:2019-08-07 09:39:17 来源:www.ukassignment.org 作者:未知 点击:8
代写essay指导详细说明:写作要清楚直接,让读者易于理解和跟上,不要到最后再揭晓;可以用相冲突的理论来解释,或者就critique这个理论内相矛盾的点;论文就解释自己能理解能说明清楚的部分,但要有一定的critique(表现出你有思考过这个主题而不只是被输入),可以借助其他学者的说法来帮助你critique;Description-Evaluation(最好是两者相结合);References要精确一点,看的是章节就标明这个是章节,不需要拘泥于第三人称/被动态。范文如下:

1.0 Introduction介绍
移民意味着移民生活环境的彻底改变。这对移民的生活构成了挑战。在适应和融入当地生活和应对挑战的过程中,男性移民的男子气概会发生一些变化(Hibbins,2005:167)。一些研究认为,这些变化有助于人的成熟,因此提出移民可以成为一个男人。但是,移民对男性的贡献是什么,他们会有什么样的男子气概,移民中影响男性气概变化的因素是什么,这个观点没有给出明确的解释,需要进一步的研究和讨论。本研究旨在探讨男性移民所表现出的男性男子气概,以及男性气概在移民过程中发生变化的原因。首先,通过查阅相关文献,了解男性化的定义及其影响因素。其次,从具体的事实出发,了解男性移民男子气概的具体表现。第三,在相关理论和客观事实的基础上,分析了男性移民男性化的类型,并对影响男性化的因素进行了深入分析。
Migration means a complete change for migrants in their living environment. This poses challenges for the lives of migrants. In the process of adapting to and integrating with local life and dealing with challenges, there will be some changes in the masculinity of male migrants (Hibbins, 2005:167). Some studies believe that these changes are helpful for the maturity of men and therefore proposed that migration can be the making of a man. However, what kinds of men does migration contribute to and what kind of masculinity they will have, what are the factors affecting men's masculinity changes in migration, this point of view does not give a clear explanation, and further studies and discussions are needed. This study aims to discuss the male masculinities that male migrants exhibit and the reasons for their masculinity changes in migration. Firstly, this article understands the definition and influencing factors of masculinity by reviewing related literatures. Secondly, it understands the concrete manifestations of masculinity of male migrants from specific facts. Thirdly, based on related theories and objective facts, it analyzes the male the types of masculinity of male migrants and conducts an in-depth analysis of what factors influencing masculinity.
2.0 Literature review文献综述
2.1 Definition of masculinity男子气概的定义
一般来说,男子气概是指家庭中男性的自主性、男性的支配性和男性摆脱女性控制的独立性。它集中在两个方面:第一,男性为了获得支配权而获得的焦虑、紧张和经验;第二,男性如何在社会和历史环境中对这种焦虑和紧张作出反应(sinn,1998:108;cheng,1996a:23;Mahler和Pessar,2001:441)。
In general, Masculinity refers to male autonomy, male domination, and male independence from female control in families. It focuses on two aspects: first, the anxiety, tension, and experience gained by males in order to gain dominance; second, how males respond to this anxiety and tension in social and historical settings (Sinn, 1998:108; Cheng, 1996a:23; Mahler and Pessar, 2001:441).
2.2 Factors affecting masculinity影响男子气概的因素
2.2.1 Physical determinism 物理决定论
重点是男性与女性的差异主要是由生理差异决定的。许多学者质疑,没有证据表明某些生理差异必然导致某些社会行为。不同文化中的男子气概是不同的。由于相同的生理特征,男性不具有相同的男子气概
The main point is that the difference between masculinity and femininity is mainly determined by physiological differences. Many scholars have questioned that there is no evidence showing that certain physiological differences necessarily lead to certain social behaviors. Masculinity in different cultures is different. Men do not have the same masculinity because of the same physiological characteristics (Hibbins, 2005:180; Sinn, 1998:120).
2.2.2 Cultural determinism 
The main point is that the difference in masculinity is mainly determined by the specific cultural environment. Differences in the cultural environment have led to differences in masculinity, leading to differences in male behavior. The shortcoming of this view is that it cannot explain the process of change of masculinity well. For example, men of the same cultural background will have different new masculinities when they migrate to other countries (Sinn, 1998:119; Cheng, 1996a:23).
2.2.3 Social constructivism 
The main point is that men are not born but created. A man created himself and actively constructed his masculinity. This kind of construction can only be realized in the historical and social environment. A man may be male when he was born, but his formation of a man’s identity is a very complicated process that interacts with culture (Hibbins, 2005:177; Sinn, 1998:119; Cheng, 1996a:58).
It emphasizes that being a man means building a set of expectations for men, that is, gender roles. In general, what is associated with masculinity is skilled, enterprising, active, competitive, and abstract cognitive characters. What are associated with femininity are natural emotion, affinity, and passiveness. Masculinity is a product of social acquisition or socialization. This theory was criticized in the 1980s on the grounds that gender roles were confined to a fixed standard. Men and women were considered to play a standard role based on their physical sex regardless of how their behavior and attitudes disagree with this standard (Hibbins, 2005:179; Datta, 2008:518; McDowell, Batnitzky and Dyer, 2008:750). This traditional provision for gender role has brought negative influence to men. In order to reach the traditional masculine temperament standard, men’s behavior has intentionally or unintentionally approached the mainstream masculinity, making men feel harsh pressure. Especially in modern society, if a man wants to become a true "man", he must pay a huge "cost" to enjoy his "privilege" as a man. In addition, this theory is considered to have no cultural universality and therefore cannot help to understand the changes in masculinity and femininity, nor does it help to understand how individuals adjust their roles in relation to the setting of gender expectations.
3.0 Masculinity of male migrants
3.1 Traditional masculinity
3.1.1 Active entrepreneurship
According to theory of social constructivism, after migration, males will build their masculinity based on people’s a set of expectations of men in a new cultural context. In general, masculinity is associated with skilled, motivated, active, competitive, abstract cognitive characters. Many studies have shown that such a discussion is correct (Hibbins, 2005: 172). Many studies have shown that male migrants have more entrepreneurial motives than female migrants, and migrants are more innovative and enterprising than local born populations. Migrants are often dissatisfied with their status quo (Hibbins, 2005:178; Sinn, 1998: 118: Sinn, 2001:59; Latif, 2015:162). For example, even though their income often increases significantly after the migration, even if their income is the same as the locals’ or even exceeds the income of the local people, they will still be dissatisfied with the income. This point is confirmed by a survey in Latin America - those who have migration tendencies and eventually choose to emigrate are less happy than those who do not, although in objective terms, these migrants live a better life than the latter. They are so-called "frustrated winners" and they are dissatisfied with the status quo. Migration more tends to choose to start their businesses than the locals. They dare to challenge new things and have more eagerness for success. This kind of temperament makes them inherently have entrepreneurial potential, or have something in common with entrepreneurs, they are more willing to accept challenges and they have innovative thinking (Hibbins, 2005: 173; Cohen, 2005:1).
3.1.2 Adhere to the traditions and psychology of their class and their mother country
Due to the influence of ethnic, regional, and cultural differences, migrants often intentionally or unintentionally display gender identities that are different from men in other countries (Gold, 2001: 57), such as what Datta (2008:518) found about the masculinity of a Polish male construction worker in London, England that their acts of building home were of great significance to their families and self-identity construction, and were also the most important way of expression of how Polish masculinity differed from English masculinity.
Batnitzky and Dyer (2008:51) implemented researches on the Indian middle class working in the service industry in the UK, they described the construction process of migrant masculinity through the analysis of different types of male migrants with low status, no skills, high technology and high knowledge. Finally, the four major reasons for the formation of Indian middle-class migrants’ masculinity were presented, demonstrating the Indian middle-class masculinity with ethnic labels.
3.2. Non-traditional masculinity
Migration poses many challenges for male migrants. These challenges make them express some non-traditional masculinity.#p#分页标题#e#
Developed countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia are the major destinations for international migration. In recent years, although the economies of the developed countries have recovered in succession, the problem of unemployment remains severe. Every time when unemployed storm strikes, immigrants, especially new immigrants, are often the first to bear the brunt. In 2013, a recent survey on immigration characteristics published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics showed that the unemployment rate of immigrants in Australia has been as high as 85% in recent years. This figure far exceeds the unemployment rate of the Australian native population (To, Grafton and Regan, 2007:1). Similarly, the employment statistics released by Statistics Canada in early 2014 showed that the gap between the new immigrants in Canada and the natives was very large, and the higher the level of education was, the more obvious the difference was- the unemployment rate of new immigrants with college education or above was more than four times of the unemployment rate of locals with equal educational backgrounds (Latif, 2015:167).
Even among the employed immigrants, many people are still underemployed, that is, their professional skills are higher than the actual needs of the work, or the work does not match the professional skills learned. Some of them originally belonged to knowledge and technology professionals in their countries of origin, but in the countries of migration, due to the inability to find a suitable job that is capable of fully exerting their talents, it causes a waste of talents to some extent (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:43). For example, in developed countries, it is not uncommon for a Chinese new immigrant with a doctoral degree to become a taxi driver or work in a Chinese restaurant. Although they are employed, their actual talents and work experience have not been fully utilized. These factors have led to a decline in the income of male migrants’, which in turn has had an impact on their masculinity (Hibbins, 2005:177; Sinn, 1998:119).
At present, about 1.6 million migrants over the age of 25 in the United States who have college education and already have jobs are affected by brain waste (Datta, 2008: 528). Because overseas qualifications are not recognized by U.S. companies, a lack of job experience in the United States, and language barriers force them to engage in low-skilled jobs that do not meet their academic qualifications, such as driving taxis, housekeeping, and delivery (Cohen, 2005:21). A report also pointed out that 20% of migrants with overseas qualifications were engaged in low-skilled jobs (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:16). Only 12% of native-born residents with the same degrees are engaged in this type of work (To, Grafton and Regan, 2017:13). Among them, the most affected are migrants who have obtained undergraduate degrees abroad, and 26% of them are engaged in low-skilled jobs or unemployed (Kirk, Bal and Janssen, 2017:25).
According to statistics, in 2010, 42% of migrants in Canada were engaged in jobs which are lower than their qualifications (Hussein and Christensen, 2017:765). Many new migrants find it difficult to find jobs in their original professions. Finally, they have to turn to choose some easily accessible industries such as trade and service industries. In addition, the proportion of migrants’ engaged in part-time and temporary jobs is also higher than that of the local people, and the rate of protecting by unions is also low. Unemployment and underemployment directly affect the economic income level and quality of life of migrants.
Although the problem of employment is a common problem for both male and female migrants, men are generally impacted more, because in most countries, they still follow the pattern that men work outside and women take care of families inside, and the main source of income for household is provided by men, women's less income, or no income is not a big problem, but low male income may be seen as unable to bear family responsibilities and they will be looked down on (Levitt, 1998:48). In addition, most countries generally measure the success of men from the economic point of view. For women, the criterion for success is often from the family perspective. Therefore, the problem of unemployment and underemployment has more impact on male migrants.
3.2.1 Lower their right to speak in their families
The decline in social status and economic income after migration has brought immense pressure on the psychology of male migrants. This kind of pressure comes from many aspects. First, whether they can adapt to this gap. Second, it comes from their families, and the families’ reduced income. This may reduce the power of men to speak and make decisions in the families, or may lead to tensions and even divorces between spouses. Third, for migrants from developing countries, they choose migration to seek a better life and income, and if the income and living standards are not as high as what they have expected, male migrants will lose face in front of their relatives and friends (Hibbins, 2005:168).
3.2.2 Lack of strong mentality
Most men of all ethnicities have masculinity. It is the performance of cowards to seek help. Therefore, when men encounter difficulties and challenges after migration, and they cannot handle for the time being, they generally do not look for help as women do, and because of the lack of interpersonal network, it is often difficult for them to find a target for confession. Some male migrants tend to become more passive and even suffer mental disorders (Sinn, 1998:118).
3.2.3 Assume more household duties
In the past, many men in their home countries seldom did household chores at home. However, after migration, the proportion of men who undertake domestic work has greatly increased because the majority of husbands and wives need to work after migration. Many women in domestic families do not need to work, so they specialize in housework, men mainly do a good job to provide good economic conditions for their families (Hibbins, 2005:173). After migration, women need to work, they will share housework with men, and men will learn a variety of skills to do a good job of housework, such as electrician technology, carpenter technology, etc., because after migration, hiring these skilled workers requires a lot of costs, in order to save these costs, most men are willing to learn.
3.2.4 Engage in work traditionally considered to be female
Traditional masculinity requires men to succeed in their careers, to be able to support their families, and to be work outside and allow females to take care of families inside, the difference in gender division of labor is legalized, and there is no constant standard for “career success”. To live like a man requires them to continue to fight and bear increasing pressure; men are required to be brave, rough and superior to women, and men are required to behave like a strong man (Hibbins, 2005:173; Osella, Filippo, and Filippo and Osella, 2000:117; Mahler and Pessar, 2001: 421). However, in the context of migration, the temperament of many men is not in line with the traditional role of men. They will live in harmony with others and women in an equal and harmonious manner. They will bear the responsibility of society, family and will show their love for family and friends. They are not no longer strong and brave, but only learn how to care for and understand others. They have not become fragile but just more rational and tolerant. Studies on migrant men by Hibbins (2005:168), Sinn (1998: 11), Filippo and Osella (2000:33), Hussein,  and Christensen (2017:749) pointed out that service jobs with serious feminine features, such as waiters and concierges, use “female” skills such as mercy, emotional management, and obedience. Men who are engaged in these jobs considered to be women's tend to show less traditional male gender characteristics than men in traditional positions.
4.0 Analysis
4.1 Types of masculinity
Considering from the above analysis results, the masculinity of male migrants is not only manifested as traditional dominant masculinity, but also as other types of masculinity. In theory, masculinity can be represented by four temperaments: dominance, subordination, marginality and collusion (Carrigan, Connell and Lee, 1985:551). Dominant masculinity is considered as the "ideal type" of masculinity. Males can claim and possess a leading position in social life by virtue of dominant masculinity. Dominant masculinity is a form of male power used to guarantee male dominance and female subordinate status (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005:829). As what is analyzed above that, some male migrants will actively start their own business to obtain the success of the business. This is precisely the dominant masculinity shown by men in order to maintain and own their leading position in social life. Subordinate masculinity is related to the dominant culture of an entire society. In this general framework, there are specific dominant and subordinate gender relations between different male groups. For example, the poor are in the status of dependents (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985:604; Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005:859). Marginality is the masculinity displayed by marginal races and people in a society (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985:600). For example, in a society dominated by white people, wealthy blacks show marginality. For example, in the above analysis, male migrants are willing to be engaged in low-end work and earn low income, which shows subordinate and marginal masculinity. Collusion means that in marriage, men often have to make extensive compromises with women, instead of always occupying a dominant position. In the above analysis, male migrants are more willing to assume household duties than local males, which is the performance of collusion masculinity (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 1985: 558). All in all, male migrants do not have only one type of masculinity, but more than one type, and it is worth noting that the masculinity shown by men is not fixed in one's life, it changes with his growth.#p#分页标题#e#
4.2 Factors affecting masculinity 
Hibbins (2005:179), Sinn (1998:113), Batnitzky, A.and Dyer (2008:70), Gold (2001:78) pointed out that factors affecting masculinity can be divided into multiple levels, including gender, class, race, and so on, and they all participate in the construction of masculinity. Masculinity is influenced not only by gender, but also by various factors such as economics, culture and class, and personality. Gender is the most important factor affecting masculinity. It embodies some commonalities in all masculinities, such as being willing to take risks, being more willing to be in a strong position in their families and working, being active in sexual relations, liking to face the dilemma alone and being not willing to communicate too much, and so on. Most male migrants can exhibit these characteristics. However, other factors also have an important determinant effect on male migrants' masculinity.
First, in terms of individual needs, Maslow's hierarchy of needs theory divides needs into five categories: physiological needs, security needs, social needs, needs for respect, and self-fulfillment needs, it is from needs of the lower levels to the higher levels, when people's needs at a certain level are met with minimum satisfaction, they will pursue high-level needs, so that it will rise step by step and become the internal driving force for continued efforts (Maslow, 1954:25). The masculinity of migrants is matched to their needs to a certain extent. For example, after migration, male immigrants' economic income is greatly reduced, maintaining their living standards to meet physiological needs becomes a focus of their lives. Then their masculinity will be manifested as subordination, marginality and collusion, which is manifested in their willingness to engage in low-end work, sharing their housework with their wives, and reducing their power in the families (Hussein and Christensen, 2017:765). If the migrants’ lives are improved, social needs, needs for respect, and self-fulfillment become the focus of their lives, then their masculinity may be more dominant masculinity, just as the masculinity that the male migrants had interiorly, at home, their right to speak has been upgraded and they will actively pursue the success of business and the recognition by the society.
Then, considering from the cultural background, Hofstede (1980:87) thought that culture is a common psychological procedures of people in an environment, not an individual feature, but psychological procedures shared by many people with the same education and life experience. Different groups, regions or countries have different procedures. This cultural difference can be divided into four dimensions: individualism-collectivism, masculinity-femininity, power distance, uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede, 1980:56). Migrants of different cultural backgrounds display different masculinities under the same circumstances. This is closely related to their cultural backgrounds (Levitt, 1998:926). For example, Chinese migrants in the United States exhibit more subordination, marginality and collusion marginality, while European migrants in the United States are more showing dominant masculinity. The reason is that the cultural background of European migrants is similar to that of people in the United States, while Chinese culture and the American cultural background are quite different. Chinese migrants need to adapt more to the cultural differences between China and the United States (Sinn, 1998:112; Levitt, 1998:926).
In addition, social stratum is also a factor that affects masculinity of migrant men, because people in the same class often have similarities in personality, psychology, and life planning, just as what McDowell, Batnitzky and Dyer (2008:770) analyzed that Indian migrants working in the UK showed the characteristics of the Indian middle class. National factor is also an important factor affecting masculinity of men. For example, the acts of building home of the Polish workers mentioned in Datta’s (2008:527) study is an important manifestation of their masculinities differing from that of British men. 
Finally, personality is also an influential factor that influences male migrants’ masculinity. For example, male migrants with radical personality will be more likely to display dominant masculinity. Even if they face difficulties in migration, they will take radical measures to pursue their career successes, such as self-employment. Conservative male migrants are more likely to be characterized by subordination, marginality and collusion masculinities. When faced with difficulties, they will adopt relatively conservative measures, such as first working in restaurants (Hibbins, 2005: 173; Sinn, 198:123).
5.0 Conclusion
Migration can be the making of a man. This view is correct, but the type of masculinity expressed is not only dominance masculinity. There is a variety of masculinity such as subordination, marginality and collusion masculinity: There are also many reasons for the changes in masculinity of male migrants, not only gender, but also economic factors, cultural background factors, personality factors, and so on.
 
References
Batnitzky, A.and Dyer, L. (2008) ‘A Middle-class Global Mobility? The Working Lives of Indian Men in a West London Hotel’, Global Networks, 8 (1): 51-70.
Carrigan, T, Connell, B. and Lee, J. (1985) ‘Toward a new sociology of masculinity’, Theory and Society, 14(5): 551-604.
Cheng, C. (Ed.) (1996a) Masculinities in Organizations. Sage, Thousand Oaks, 23-58.Hibbins, R. (2005) ‘Migration and Gender Identity among Chinese Skilled Male Migrants to Australia’, Geoforum, 36:167–180.
Cohen, D. (2005) ‘Masculinity and Social Visibility: Migration, State Spectacle, and the Making of the Mexican Nation’, E.I.A.L., 16, 1-21.
Datta, A. (2008) ‘Building Differences: Material Geographies of Home(s) among Polish Builders in London’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 33(4): 518-531.
Gold, S. J. (2001) ‘Gender, Class, and Network: Social Structure and Migration Patterns among 
Transnational Israelis’, Global Networks, 1, 57–78.
Connell, R. W. and Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005) ‘Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept’, Gender & Society, 19(6): 829-859.
Filippo, O. and Osella, C. 2000. ‘Migration, Money and Masculinity in Kerala’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 6:117-33.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture's Consequences: International Differences in Work-Related Values, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 56-87.
Hussein, S., and K. Christensen. 2017. ‘Migration, Gender and Low-paid Work: on Migrant Men’sEntry Dynamics into the Feminised Social Care Work in the UK’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43 (5): 749–765.
Kirk, K., Bal, E. & Janssen, S. R. (2017) ‘Migrants in Liminal Time and Space: an Exploration of the Experiences of Highly Skilled Indian Bachelors in Amsterdam’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 43:16.
Latif, E. (2015) ‘The Relationship between Immigration and Unemployment: Panel Data Evidence from Canada’, Economic Modelling, 50(11): 162-167.
Levitt, P. (1998) ‘Social Remittances: Migration Driven Local-level Forms of Cultural Diffusion’, International Migration Review, 32, 926–48.
Mahler, S. and Pessar, P. (2001) ‘Gendered Geographies of Power: Analysing Gender across Transnational Spaces’, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 7, 441–59.
Maslow, A. H. (1954) Motivation and Personality, NY: Harper, 25-43.
McDowell, L., Batnitzky, A. and  Dyer, S. (2008) ‘Internationalization and the Spaces of Temporary Labour: The Global Assembly of a Local Workforce’’, British Journal of Industrial Relations, 46(4):750-770.
Sinn, E. (Ed.) (1998) The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 108-120.
To, H., Grafton, R. Q. and Regan, S. (2017) ‘Immigration and labour market outcomes in Australia: Findings from HILDA 2001–2014’, Economic Analysis and Policy, 55(9): 1-13.


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