UK论文-政治现实主义在世界范围内的探索

　　权力是政治现实主义理论中的重要概念，权利是国家在国际社会中采取作为的首要动机，无论其形式为单边或多边;其手段是透过结盟、协商、治理或是武装冲突与战争，皆是为了维持或提升其自身在国际政治舞台上相对于其它国家的政治权力。

　　Power is a concept of vital importance in political realist theory and, according to Stephen Krasner, 'for a very large class of global issues, indeed the classic agenda of the study of international politics - security, autonomy, and the distribution of valued resources - power needs to be given pride of place'.

　　有人说，现实主义包括五个命题。首先，美国在世界事务中扮演着主要的演员，即通过美国的相互作用形成国际政治的稳定结构。

　　It has been said that realism encompasses five propositions. The first is that states are the major actors in world affairs: 'States are the units whose interactions form the structure of international-political systems.

　　谈论政治现实主义,那么,一些国家以自己的方式寻求保护自己的安全和利益,正是因为他们的遵循政治现实主义中的行为和结果。

　　Political realism, then, accounts for the way in which states seek to protect their own security and interests, for their behaviour and the outcomes of that behaviour.

　　The theory underpinning this thesis is that of self-determination. The thesis will undertake a detailed study and analysis of the theory, a theory that is potentially in conflict with dominant norms in international law of sovereignty and territorial integrity, and when considering the theory it has to be borne in mind that a right to unilateral secession has not been recognised in international law; consequently secession is not a right of self-determination. At its most basic level, selfdetermination is 'a principle concerned with the right to be a State', but the journey undertaken by the principle has brought about a situation where examination is required both of 'external' and 'internal' self-determination, as well as analysis as to identification of the units of self-determination. This main theory and its evolution do not, however, stand alone in the thesis. Just as there is an interrelationship between self-determination and other international legal norms, self-determination must operate in a political environment. As Tibet is essentially a political question as much as a legal one, and as both international law and politics are in issue, it is appropriate to complement the legal theory of self-determination with a theory apposite to politics.

　　Various political subtexts have been considered, and ultimately rejected in favour of a subtext of political realism. The People's Republic of China, of which Tibet currently forms a part, is a powerful nation, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, and a major actor on the world stage. In such issues it is necessary, therefore, to consider relative power capabilities, as these 'draw attention to how the payoff matrix was structured in the first place, how the available options are constrained, who can play the game, and, ultimately, who wins and loses'. One factor to be considered in the thesis then is the nature of the Tibet issue, whether it is global or international in nature, or one that is internal to China, for, if an internal issue, support for Tibet will particularly be determined by whether state actors are prepared to intervene in the affairs of another country. However, it may be that there is a lessening of a fine distinction between international and internal matters, and that states are now more inclined to intervene against the territorial integrity of other nations than previously even in instances where their own security, or expansion, is not in direct issue.

　　It has been said that realism encompasses five propositions. The first is that states are the major actors in world affairs: 'States are the units whose interactions form the structure of international-political systems. This is not to say, however, that they are the only actors, or indeed that their actions are unconstrained. Secondly, states behave rationally as they are penalised in the international sphere 'if they fail to protect their vital interests, or if they pursue objectives beyond their means'. Thirdly, 'international anarchy is the principal force shaping the motives and actions of states -). This in turn links with the fourth proposition: the concept that 'states in anarchy are preoccupied with power and security, are disposed toward conflict and competition, and often fail to cooperate even in the face of common interests'. This is a proposition that premises conflict; it is a proposition in tune with remarks of Raymond Aron to the effect that 'Politics, insofar as it concerns relations among states, seems to signify - in both ideal and objective terms - simply the survival of states confronting the potential threat created by the existence of other states', and further that 'If a province, an integrated portion of the state's territory or a fraction of the population, refuses to submit to the centralized power and undertake [sic] an armed struggle, the conflict, though civil war with regard to international law, will be considered a foreign war by those who see the rebels as the expression of an existing or nascent nation )

　　The aforementioned propositions are of considerable import in analysing not only the stance taken by the People's Republic with respect to Tibet, but also the reaction of the international community, individually and collectively, to the Chinese occupation of Tibet, initially and subsequently, and also in light of an evolving principle of selfdetermination. Finally, by the fifth proposition inherent in realism, international institutions only have marginal effect on the prospects for co-operation among nations. Thus the fifth proposition returns to the first proposition, that states are the major actors in world affairs.

　　Political realism, then, accounts for the way in which states seek to protect their own security and interests, for their behaviour and the outcomes of that behaviour. In turn it has been identified with a character of politics termed realpolitik. The elements of realpolitik were listed by Kenneth Waltz as follows: 'The ruler's, and later the state's,interest provides the spring of action; the necessities of policy arise from the unregulated competition of states; calculation based on these necessities can discover the policies that will best serve a state's interests; success is the ultimate test of policy, and successi s defined as preservinga nd strengtheningt he state.

　　It is only by recognising China's position as a dominant world power that an evaluation of the Tibet Question and its outcomes can be attempted. It is for this reason that an alternative theory of idealism, neoliberalism, must be rejected. Such theoretical basis would find emphasis in espousal of ideas of a world civilisation and world citizenship, in the promotion of the idea that domestic affairs have primacy over foreign affairs, a denunciation of military alliances and in challenging the idea that peace could be ensured through the balance of power; proponents of such theory have 'emphasized the mutual interests of states and advocated free trade, which they [have] argued would help prevent war'. The conjoining of the idea of free trade promoting peace with the idea of an international organisation, universal in nature, promoting the same goal was the brainchild of US President Woodrow Wilson, and idealism came to the forefront subsequent to the First World War in notions of selfdetermination3. 0 Yet this early variant of the theory of self-determination has not proved to be lasting, and in its idealism its effects were limited.Further,  http://www.ukassignment.org/uklunwen/ when considering Tibet it is important not to fall into the trap of conceiving of the entity as a Shangri-La - an imaginary paradise, an ideal in itself.Tibet is an entity in the real world and sharp focus on the Tibet Question is required .